Karaoke

A popular summit without karaoke? This would never be allowed to happen in Taiwan.

There's nothing quite like wandering through the lush greenery of a trail through the rolling hills around the cities and towns of Taiwan, only to be greeted by a crude shack at the top with a TV and surround sound system filled with locals singing their hearts out. In hindsight, it seems to be one of the hallmarks of Taiwanese culture: To Go Boldly where No Man Has Gone Before... and to Erect a Karaoke Stand There.

I'm surprised no one has tried doing this on the summit of Yushan yet.

Perhaps it is simply my lack of musical talent, but I never really caught on to the karaoke craze while growing up in Taiwan (or vice versa). Conversely, almost every single Taiwanese student I've known, both in Taiwan and abroad, is crazy about it. Even here in the US, almost every major meeting of Taiwanese students involves a lengthy session of graduate students crooning into a microphone (with the echo effects cranked way up). 

Come to think of it, this may explain why we all seem to get along so well, despite our differences. It may be a form of escapism, but with everything else going on, sometimes you just need to escape for a while. And Matsu knows that I've done my share of introducing them to local culture in Colorado, namely: "To Ski, Climb, Run, and Drink Lots of Microbrewed Beer".

"We're having a karaoke session on Saturday, come on by", my friend said. "We even went through the trouble of downloading some English MVs for you." 

For the record, my Mandarin is perfectly fine, and liberally sprinkled with language commonly heard from your local betelnut chewing cabbie. But my understanding of Taiwan pop music seems to be stuck from around my high school days in the late '90s. Somewhere along the line, my friends became more interested in having someone who could convincingly (to their ears anyhow) fake a variety of North American accents, than rehash 1997 in Taiwan pop music.

"Why don't we go hiking instead?" I suggested. "Why?" my friend replied, "We'd just start singing at the summit. Why go through all the trouble when we can do it down here? You can bring the beer."

As if to accentuate his point, it rained on Saturday. And so I found myself with 15 other Taiwanese grad students, standing in front of a big screen TV and a karaoke machiene, with a microphone in my hand, awaiting the first song...

... which turned out to be "I Don't Wanna Miss A Thing" by Aerosmith. I spent most of the song with my vocal chords stretched to the breaking point, and no sound coming out of my mouth. 

Whatever the beneficial effects of living at high altitude for long periods, singing isn't one of them.

One by one, we went down the ever growing queue of songs. Ballads of love and loss seemed to be the most popular... all sung by everyone in the room (or so it seemed, it was hard to tell with the echo effect of the microphone cranked up to the max). The rain came down outside, we sang offkey, no one cared. Normally reserved students poured their hearts out.

If you've lived in Taiwan long enough you realize that the cynical nature projected by most people is a facade that rarely comes down... except in the presence of very close friends, or barring that, a karaoke machine (or liberal amounts of alcohol). "You can have dreams and ideals", my parents once told me, "as long as you don't tell them to anyone else". You don't do something for some idealogical reason... you do it because "沒辦法" ("I had no other choice"), "警察在看" ("There's a cop looking"), or some similarly pragmatic reason. Sometimes, you even start to believe it. Interestingly however, Taiwanese students arriving here have no problem accepting the idea that "Pedestrians have the right of way", without having to qualify it with "lawsuits are expensive", or "windshields are a pain in the butt to replace".

Just one of those cultural things I suppose.

After my third offkey rendition of "Country Roads", I finally managed to squeeze in a non-English song dating from my last days of high school. Maybe I just needed a reminder of brighter days when the future seemed boundless, untempered by the cynicism of reality. Or maybe I was getting fed up with the love ballads from the latest 星光 talent search stars....

Either way, I was still singing off key.

歌名:憨人

Title: The Fool

語言:台語

Language: Taiwanese

編曲:五月天

Artist: Mayday

Original Translation by C.C. and Merry, slightly modified.

我的心內感覺　人生的沈重　不敢來振動
In my heart I feel the seriousness of life, but I don't dare touch it 

我不是好子　嘛不是歹人　我只是愛眠夢
I'm not a goody good, and I'm not a bad person either, I just love to dream

我不願隨浪隨風　飄浪西東　親像船無港
I don't want to drift with the wind and tide, like a boat with no harbor

我不願做人　奸巧鑽縫　甘願來作憨人
I don't want to be a devious opportunist person, taking advantage of others. I'd rather be a fool.

我不是頭腦空空　我不是一隻米蟲
My head isn't empty, and I'm not useless

人啊人　一世人　要安怎歡喜　過春夏秋冬
Oh people! A lifetime is so long, how can we happily pass the years?

我有我的路　有我的夢　夢中的那個世界　甘講伊是一場空
I have my own road, I have my dreams. Is the world that I dream of just an illusion?

我走過的路　只有希望　希望你我講過的話　放在心肝內　總有一天
On the road that I have travelled, I have only hope. Hope that all we've talked about is in our hearts, believing one day it will all come true.

看到滿天全金條　要煞無半項　環境來戲弄
Seeing my dreams dance through the sky, I reach out for it but grasp nothing, the world is mocking me

背景無夠強　天才無夠弄　逐項是攏輸人
My background's not strong enough, my talent's not good enough, I lose to others in everything 

只好看破這虛華　不怕路歹行　不怕大雨淋
I'd best see through this facade, unafraid of how difficult the road ahead may be, and unafraid of being drenched by the rain

心上一字敢　面對我的夢　甘願來作憨人

On my heart there is one word: daring, when facing my dreams, I'm willing to be a fool.

Outside, the rain kept pouring down, the world moved on, but for a moment, all that was forgotten.

Tags: [Karaoke], [Mayday], [Student Life]

Jade + Dragons + Exiled Emperors

Any similarities to actual persons or events are coincidence.

I have come to the conclusion that I am literarily retarded... all I need out of a book is a good story.

But then again, seeing as how the last major book I read was "Radar Systems Analysis and Design Using MATLAB", my criteria for fine literature is probably on the same level as that for the user manual of your computer motherboard - if its on a subject I'm interested in, I will read it, and in all likelihood, be satisfied if the grammar is correct.

So maybe it isn't too surprising that I found "Dragon in Chains" by Daniel Fox to be a good read. The author's website describes it to be "an epic new fantasy". I have no idea what epic means in this context, but the description of the book on certainly drew me in:

The island of Taishu may be a remote outpost of empire, but it is also the only source for true jade, which is far more than a symbol of imperial power. Rebellion has driven the young emperor from his capital; eventually, inevitably, he leads his defeated army to Taishu, a last stand for a lost cause.

...There is said to be a dragon under the water, chained there long ages since. A pirate crew slays the monks who supposedly keep the dragon quiescent; at the same time they free a slave, who howls when his chains are cut. And takes possession of a cabin-boy, puts him in chains, cuts curious signs in the iron...

Sound like a certain "renegade province" that you know? If that wasn't enough, the author explains how it all came about from one of those Tourism Bureau sponsored trips:

Fox loved his time in Taiwan and wanted to write about it, but he was very aware that the government was giving the writers a privileged and one-sided view. "So I went back a few months later, slept on my interpreter's floor and wandered around on my own," Fox said, "and came away with a very different perspective, much less comfortable and much more real—and a major project in the back of my mind."

...how a defeated leader retreated to one small island with his entire army and spat defiance for 50 years; how to the Taiwanese this was an invasion of strangers, which led to military occupation and dictatorship; how perverse it was, how violent, how dependent on the interference of other powers," Fox said.

The world in the book certainly bares a certain resemblance to our own... but puts a fantastical spin on things (the whole CKS personality cult thing not withstanding), as the author stated on sci-fi writer John Scalzi's blog:

Home again, I started Mandarin lessons and a book collection. I knew already what I wanted to do: I wanted to write about Taiwan since the arrival of Chiang Kai-Shek and the KMT, after they were driven from the mainland. Partly it was that classic image of the tiny island bristling at the vast mainland, bristling with weapons; partly it was the experience of the native Taiwanese, invaded by a vast northern army and living under military dictatorship. Marry those two together, and there’s a novel. But I’m a fantasist, I have small interest in mimetic fiction. I wanted to recast the story into feudal China first - an emperor in flight, the dynasty at hazard - and then into imagination, put magic in jade and a dragon in the strait.

So god help me, I went out and bought the first fantasy book I've bought in years. And believe it or not, I enjoyed it. An emperor is deposed and retreats to a remote isle with his army, pursued by rebels. The natives wonder whether or not it makes a difference who rules over them. The courtiers and empress dowager are obsessed with reconquering the empire irrespective of what anyone else thinks. Power plays and backstabbing abound...

This is probably where a real literary critic would go on about characterization and plot lines, but seeing as I'm not versed in that stuff. All I can say is that the storyline was interesting to follow, and the characters were all interesting in their own right - though perhaps there was some confusion as the story jumped from character to character, until they all came together in the end to show the bigger picture. There's never any shortage of action or suspense, as the characters move from one crisis to another. There's the scribe's apprentice abducted by pirates; the boy emperor and the old fisherman caught up in forces beyond their control; the refugee caught between the imperial forces and the rebels; and the jade miner who bares the consequences of his clan's decision to bypass the old order; and the dragon chained up under the strait. It's certainly not the sort of story an wuxia novelist would write, but then again, I tend to find most wuxia novels formulaic and boring, so maybe that's a good thing.

I admit it was tempting to try to relate certain real events or figures to those in the novel. People who have lived in or visited Taiwan will probably recognize the significance of a jade miner named Yu Shan, or a mainland port named Santung - clearly the author has more than a passing understanding of the place that inspired his work. And the theme of being at the mercy of forces bigger than yourself is certainly something most anyone from Taiwan can empathize with. But in the end, the story is not necessarily a 1:1 transposition of the modern history of Taiwan itself (the author doesn't claim that, and its hard to imagine an analogue for the magical jade in the book, unless maybe you consider DRAM or laptop computers to be worth an empire), but as a story taking place in a world that bares some resemblance to our own, and for the most part stands on it's own legs. For the first book at least, people looking to read the story as a specific allegory or critique of modern day Taiwan politics will probably be disappointed. Or will probably read their own preconceived notions into it. Good luck trying to figure out who or what the dragon under the strait stands for.

All I can say is, I can't wait for the next two books in the series. If nothing else it is an entertaining tale, and as a slightly clouded mirror, can reflect back whatever notions we place in front of it.

And I stayed up reading it till 3AM. Whether that speaks more of my own depravity or the quality of the book is an exercise for the reader.

Related: "Dragon in Chains", Amazon.com

UPDATE: An alternate take from another Taiwanese sci-fi reader. Yeah, the "inseperable part of the Empire" thing bothered me too, until I decided to take the author's word that he wasn't going for direct allegory.

Tags: [Taiwan], [Fiction]

Let's brew!

"Beer is proof that God loves us and wants us to be happy."
-- Benjamin Franklin

Looking over my recent posts, I realize that it may be easy to conclude that my life revolves around politics and blowing things up. So I thought I'd balance that out a bit by talking about another subject near and dear to my heart.

I am fortunate to be a graduate student in Colorado. In addition to being the thinnest state in the Union, we also lead the US in the amount of beer produced by volume each year. Being an engineer, it was only a small step between sampling the state's many fine brews to trying to brew my own.

For my first batch, I decided to start with a simple American ale. Many homebrew stores carry starter kits containing all the ingredients you need. In this case, the ingredients included:

4 lbs of hopped malt syrup
1 lb of dry malt extract
0.5 oz of aroma hops
Priming sugar (used for carbonation during bottling)
Yeast (brewers yeast... apparently bread yeast is a different strain)

The ingredients cost about US$25 total, and produced 5 gallons of beer. Quite a good deal if you're willing to put in the time and effort.


The first step was to combine the malts with boiling water to form the wort. The malt syrup and dry powdered extract went into a 5 gallon stock pot along with three gallons of water, and were boiled for about an hour, giving the kitchen a grainy, bakery-like smell. Near the end, the hops were added to provide the bitterness.

Boil overs are a pain to clean up.

The wort then had to be cooled enough so that any yeast added wouldn't be killed by the heat. This was accomplished by immersing the entire stockpot in a sink filled with cold water. The 3 gallons of wort was then poured into the sterilized primary fermenter (a large plastic bucket), and combined with another two gallons of cool water. The yeast was then pitched on top.

It's a good idea to activate the yeast by immersing it in lukewarm water at 90 degrees, according to the instructions that came with the ingredients. And being the moron that I am, I forgot that I was in the US and promptly added the yeast to water at 90 degrees... Celsius.

My molecular biologist friend confirmed that the scalding water probably killed that batch of yeast.

After replacing the now dead first batch of yeast, the lid of the fermenter is securely sealed...

... and the airlock on top filled with water. Within a day, the yeast was happily fermenting away, and carbon dioxide was bubbling out of the airlock. After a week, I siphoned the fermenting beer out of the primary fermenter into a glass carboy, to get it away from the thick layer of grayish sediment that had formed on the bottom.

Two weeks after starting, the primary fermentation was done with most of the sugars being converted to alcohol by the yeast, leaving what was essentially flat beer. All that was left was to bottle and allow the beer to carbonate.

Since the yeast had digested most of the fermentable sugars by now, a small amount of sugar had to be added to provide the yeast with enough food to produce more alcohol and carbon dioxide. The priming sugar (in the form of corn sugar) was added to the flat beer. I then filled 30-something longneck bottles and bombers with the beer...

(You can buy new bottles from many brewing supply stores, but I choose to get the bottles from the liquor store pre-filled with beer, which was then... disposed of.)

The bottles were then sealed with a manual capper...


The sealed bottles were then left to ferment for another two weeks. During this bottle conditioning process, the yeast converted the added sugar to alcohol and carbon dioxide. Since the bottles were now sealed, the carbon dioxide was absorbed into the beer producing carbonation.

According to folks with more experience than me, one should be certain that all fermentation has stopped before adding the priming sugar and bottling. Failing to do so can result in runaway fermentation and exploding bottles.

After two weeks of bottle conditioning, I tossed a few of the bottles into the fridge, and popped one open after dinner.

The result was actually pretty good for the style, though American ale tends to be smoother (read: less flavorful) than most other beers.

Turns out, it was a lot simpler than I thought. So in case the whole scientist thing doesn't work out, I still have an alternate means of survival.

I am now working on an IPA, which should be significantly stronger tasting (for the same volume of beer, the IPA uses close to 7 lbs of malt syrup, 3 lbs of dry malt and malt extract, and close to 3 times the amount of hops).

Free Speech in Taiwan (1988 - 2008)

When facism comes to America, it will be wrapped in the flag and carrying a cross.
--Sinclair Lewis

When facism returns to Taiwan, it will be wrapped in banknotes under the guise of "stability" and "pragmatism".

無言以對。

Tags: [Taiwan], [Protest], [野草莓].

Timeline of Major Events in the Wild Strawberry Movement (11/3 - 12/1)

After one month of being alternately ignored and attacked by the government, the Wild Strawberry Movement is still going strong, with a major rally in Taipei planned for noon on 12/7, to protest continued government footdragging and obfuscation on the subject of amending the Parade and Assembly Law. Though a public hearing was held on 11/27, the majority KMT caucus is proposing a revision that would not affect the most objectionable terms in the existing law. In particular, citizens planning to demonstrate would still be required to notify the government three days beforehand, and the government would still be able to declare protests illegal before they actually take place.

The following is a translation of a timeline showing major events in the Wild Strawberry movement so far:

野草莓大事記(11/3-12/1)
Wild Strawberry Major Events (11/3 - 12/1)

Nov. 3-5, 2008
　　外賓訪台，與政府高層進行攸關台灣前途的會談。政府予以高規格維安保護，但警方維安卻屢屢出現於法不合的侵害人權與意見自由行徑，且有針對特定意見表達而施行公權力的狀況。警民衝突持續升溫，終至引發流血事件。
ARATS Chairman Chen Yun-lin visits Taiwan for high level talks with the government concerning Taiwan's future, and is given massive police protection. However, numerous instances of police officers illegally violating the rights to freedom of speech, and freedom of movement occur, with citizens expressing certain opinions specifically targeted. Tension between the police and citizens continues to grow, culminating in violence.

Nov. 5
　　憂心台灣人權、民主倒退，對行政、執法機關濫用公權力感到憤慨的多所大專院校師生，當晚透過網路串連，決意次日在行政院前以靜坐方式向政府和平抗議。
University students and faculty concerned about human rights and the regression of democracy in Taiwan, and angry with the abuse of power by government and law enforcement agencies, link up over the Internet, deciding to stage a peaceful sit-in in front of the Executive Yuan in protest.

Nov. 6
　　自早上十一時起，五百多位大專院校師生身著黑衣、戴上口罩，在行政院大門前靜坐抗議，要求「馬英九總統、劉兆玄院長道歉」、「國安局長、警政署長下台」、「修改集遊惡法」；警方四度舉牌警告。行政院先後欲派出二組參議及處長級官員接見師生代表，靜坐師生全體否決。隊伍周圍拉開糾察線以資保護，但歡迎所有公民在去除一切政黨標語、旗幟後加入靜坐。
Starting at 11AM, some 500 university students and faculty wearing black clothing and face masks stage a sit-in at the gates of the Executive Yuan, demanding apologies from President Ma and Premier Liu, the resignation of the directors of the National Police Agency and National Security Bureau, and the revision of the Parade and Assembly Law; police issued four warnings declaring the protest illegal. The Executive Yuan sent out two sets of low ranking officials to placate the students and faculty, who rejected their overtures after voting on the issue. Protesters erected a cordon around the sit-in for protection, but welcomed all citizens not carrying any partisan slogans or signs to join in the sit-in.

　　同日，民進黨發動圍城遊行，抗議馬陳會面。警方第四度舉牌後，民進黨方面曾派人表達關切，建議學生轉移到立院旁合法申請的場地，但為全體師生否決。晚間，圍城隊伍在圓山與警方爆發衝突，午夜前遭強力鎮壓。靜坐師生做好被驅離的心理準備，決議於自由廣場二度集結。
On the same day, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) launched a massive demonstration to protest the Ma-Chen meetings. After police issued the fourth warning to the students, DPP personnel expressed their concern and suggested that the students move to a location near the Legislative Yuan where the DPP had a permit for lawful assembly, but was rejected unanimously by all of the students and faculty. The same evening, a violent confrontation between participants in the DPP-led march and police occurred at the Grand Hotel, and was forcibly suppressed by police before midnight. Students and faculty at the Executive Yuan sit-in prepare themselves psychologically to be dispersed as well, and decide to reform at Liberty Square upon being dispersed.

Nov. 7
　　早上10:50，行政院秘書長薛香川逕行前來接見靜坐師生，對話將近一小時毫無交集而退。學生對秘書長之提問遭媒體掐頭去尾，渲染成「嗆聲『不是人』」。
At 10:50AM, Cabinet Secretary-General Hsueh Hsiang-chuan emerged to meet with the protesting students and faculty, engaging in a fruitless one hour exchange before leaving. A question asked to Hsueh by a student concerning human rights is quoted out of context by the media, who distort the student's words and claim that he insulted Hsueh by saying he "is not human".

　　下午四時起，警方完成集結，對靜坐師生展開驅離，一一抬上警備車，載往台大（部分載往內湖）。老師們則與警方僵持到晚間七時。學生自傍晚六時起於自由廣場重新集結，多達八百人。老師們晚上八時在拱門下舉行記者會說明宗旨，但運動主導權此時已完全交付現場學生。決議「繼續靜坐」、「不申請集會遊行」，並定調為「以學生為主體的公民不服從運動」。
Starting from 4PM, police officers finish assembling and begin dispersing the sitting students, carrying them onto a police bus, and driving most of them to National Taiwan University (others were dropped off at Neihu). Faculty members continued the sit-in until 7PM before being dispersed by police. Starting around 6PM, the students began to reassemble at Liberty Square, with some 800+ students participating. The faculty members held a press conference before the gates of Liberty Square around 8PM to explain the motivations behind the protest. At this time, the leadership of the movement had been completely passed to the students present, who resolved to continue the sit-in without applying for an assembly permit, characterizing it as a student-led movement of civil disobedience.

Nov. 8
台南學生開始在成大校門口靜坐聲援。
Students at National Cheng Kung University in Tainan begin a sit-in in solidarity at the campus gates.

天降大雨，自由廣場架起雨棚，提供睡袋。
Heavy rain, tents are erected at Liberty Square and sleeping bags are provided.

馬英九總統慰問外賓訪台維安期間受傷的員警。
President Ma visits police officers injured in operations during Chen Yun-lin's visit.

Nov. 9
中部學生於台中市民廣場靜坐響應。
Students in Central Taiwan begin a sit-in at Civic Plaza in Taichung to show solidarity with the students protesting in Taipei and Tainan.

經北、中、南連線表決，正式定名為「野草莓學運」。
After a joint meeting between students in Northern, Central, and Southern Taiwan, the protests are officially named the "Wild Strawberry Student Movement".

Nov. 10
訴求聚焦於「修改集遊法」，口號「集遊法違憲、人權變不見」。
Emphasis is placed on demanding the revision of the Parade and Assembly Law, with the slogan "Parade and Assembly Law is unconstitutional, human rights are disappearing".

484位大專院校教授、中研院研究員連署聲援野草莓。
484 university professors and Academia Sinica researchers sign a joint statement supporting the Wild Strawberries.

劉兆玄院長接受東森專訪，表示要求道歉「與主流民意脫節」，會舉行公聽會致力修改集遊法，但卻意外脫口而出「這種事挺兩天就過去了」。
During an interview with ETTV, Premier Liu claims that demands for apologies "were not consistent with mainstream opinion", but would hold a public hearing on potentially revising the Parade and Assembly Law. However, concerning the protests, he also casually remarked that "this sort of thing will blow over in two days".

新竹學生於清大小吃部前靜坐響應野草莓。
Students in Hsinchu begin a sit-in in front of the food court at National Tsing Hua University in solidarity with the Wild Strawberries.

高雄學生開始於城市光廊靜坐聲援野草莓。
Students in Kaohsiung bgin a sit-in at the Urban Spotlight in solidarity with the Wild Strawberries.

教育部長鄭瑞城傍晚前來探視學生。部分媒體以學生不識部長挖苦諷刺。
Education Minister Cheng Jei-cheng visits the students at dusk. Some media outlets laugh at the students for not recognizing the minister.

自由廣場每晚開始播放紀錄片、舉辦講座，傳達民主與人權、關懷弱勢理念。
Documentary films begin to be shown every evening at Liberty Square, and seminars are held, in order to convey the concepts of democracy, human rights, and caring for the underprivileged.

Nov. 11
中午，80歲的劉柏煙老先生於廣場自焚，抗議外賓來訪期間政府種種作為，經送醫急救，目前仍住院治療。野草莓除表示慰問，並與台灣人權促進會一同為劉老先生舉行募款。國民黨方面則稱劉老先生並未重新登記入黨，且平日收看綠營政論節目，因此不會前往探視。
At noon, 80 year old Liu Po-yan sets himself on fire at Liberty Square to protest government actions during Chen Yun-lin's visit. He is rushed to the hospital and remains there recovering after emergency treatment. The Wild Strawberries express their sympathy and begin a donation drive for Mr. Liu. The KMT refuses to visit Mr. Liu in the hospital, claiming at he let his KMT party membership lapse, and normally watched political talk shows associated with the pan-green (opposition) bloc.

十六個社運團體自本日傍晚六時開始，每日於現場「靜走」一小時聲援野草莓。
Starting at 6PM, 16 social activist groups begin a nightly one hour silent procession at the sit-in site to show solidarity with the Wild Strawberries.

馬英九總統表示，「問題不在報備制，而是在暴力」。
President Ma claims that "The problem isn't voluntary reporting [of planned assemblies], the problem is violence".

Nov. 12
野草莓公布外賓訪台期間警方執法過當影帶，並由受害者現身說法。
The Wild Strawberries present video evidence of police overreaction during Chen Yun-lin's visit, as well as statements from victims.

嘉義學生開始於二二八公園靜坐響應。
Students in Chiayi begin a sit-in at 228 Park in solidarity with the Wild Srawberries.

Nov. 13
立法院國民黨團召開集會遊行法修法公聽會，野草莓未收到訊息、未獲邀請。
The Legislative Yuan KMT caucus holds a public hearing concerning revision of the Parade and Assembly Law. However, the Wild Strawberries were neither notified, nor invited.

兩百多位文藝工作者發表「拒絕沉默，捍衛表達自由」連署，並到現場聲援野草莓。
Some 200 artists present the "Reject Silence, Defend Freedom of Expression" petition, and appear at Liberty Square to show solidarity with the Wild Strawberries.

晚間，自由廣場召開大會決定運動走向，最終決議週六之後持續抗爭。同時決定週六大會師活動形式，由現場同學各自承辦。
In the evening, a meeting is held at Liberty Square to decide upon a future course of action, eventually resolving to continue the protest past Saturday. It is also decided to hold a large rally on Saturday, to be organized by the students participating.

Nov. 14
上揚唱片代表，台大土木系張學孔老師到場與同學座談，揭露事件真相，並呼籲政府公開承認錯誤。
Representatives from the Sunrise Record Store, and Professor Chang Hsueh-Kung of the NTU Civil Engineering Department meet with the students at Liberty Square. They describe what actually happened the day the store was forcibly shuttered by police after playing Taiwanese songs within earshot of Chen Yun-lin, and call again on the government to admit its mistake.

二十多位香港學生於香港理工大學靜坐，並與自由廣場連線，聲援野草莓。
Some 20 students in Hong Kong at the Hong Kong Polytechnic University stage a sit-in and video link up with the students at Liberty Square, expressing their solidarity with the Wild Strawberries.

在台圖博人代表前來聲援，並向同學獻上哈達。
Tibetan representatives in Taiwan visit the students at Liberty Square to show their support, and present the students with khatas.

政大研學會在中午舉辦野草莓學運校內說明會。
At noon, the graduate student union at National Political University holds an on-campus seminar explaining the goals of the Wild Strawberry Movement.

Nov. 15
全台野草莓及學界、民間團體代表於自由廣場大會師，靜坐、演說及表演行動劇。三位同學代表下午三時進入籠內，自囚二十四小時。同時舉辦公民論壇。共有五百多位學生參與。
Wild Strawberries, academics, and NGOs hold a rally at Liberty Square, with a mass sit-in, seminars, and skits. Three students volunteer to be locked in cages for 24 hours as a symbol of protest. A public forum is also held. Over 500 students participate.

傍晚，兩名蒙面女生高舉海報，指控靜坐學生募款自肥，並站在場內不發一語，引起圍觀群眾激憤，最後在野草莓工作人員保護下離去。
In the evening, two masked females hold up posters accusing students participating in the sit-in of using raised funds for personal gain, and refuse to speak, leading to tension with bystanders. They are finally escorted away under the protection of Wild Strawberry members.

另一批自稱「小藍莓」的嗆聲者於晚間八時前來，但不敢進入場內，退往景福門給媒體拍照後散去。
Another group calling themselves the "Small Blueberries" arrive around 8PM, with the intention of heckling students at the sit-in, but are too afraid to approach the site. They quickly withdraw to the Jing-fu Gate to pose for the media before dispersing.

馬總統在台中接受電台訪問，表示「台灣學生在高中前競爭力很強，上大學就稍弱」。
During a TV interview in Taichung, President Ma states that "Taiwanese students are very competitive before high school, but are weaker in college".

Nov. 16
三位自囚同學獲釋，公開呼籲馬總統與學生對話，彼此辯論主張。
The three students in the cages emerge and call on President Ma to engage in dialog with the students, in order to debate the merits of their respective positions.

決定於下週日正式成立不受國家暴力介入的「草莓樂園」，並展開各項營建計畫。
It is decided to establish a "Wild Strawberry Land" free from state sponsored violence, construction plans begin.

三位高雄野草莓學生欲在馬總統訪問高雄時當面陳情，卻遭警方人員阻攔、追逐、並出言恐嚇。
Three Wild Strawberry students in Kaohsiung attempt to present their grievances before President Ma during his visit to that city, but are stopped, chased, and threatened by police.

自由廣場同學傍晚前往台北車站發傳單，行經博愛特區周邊遭警方舉牌攔阻。
Students at Liberty Square proceed to Taipei Main Station to hand out leaflets, while passing by the edges of the Bo-ai Special District, they are warned and disrupted by police.

Nov. 17
立院國民黨團內部公聽會，贊成集遊法改報備制。
Internal KMT caucus meeting at the Legislative Yuan agrees to revise the Parade and Assembly Law to a self-reporting system.

晚間，自由廣場臨時召開大會，針對運動走向及組織編制問題爆發激烈辯論。
During a hastily conviened meeting at Liberty Square that evening, a heated debate occurs over future plans and organization.

Nov. 18
警政署檢討「協和演習」維安工作，認為「已圓滿完成『維護代表團安全』及『確保會談順利進行』二項主軸任務，執法過程應無不當，少數同仁之急切作為將以加強教育訓練「精進執行技巧」。
The National Police Administration completes its self-assessment of performance during Chen Yun-lin's visit, concluding that they had "successfully completed the objectives of protecting the delegates' safety and ensuring the smooth completion of the meeting", and that while a few officers should be trained in precise enforcement techniques, there was no abuse during enforcement.

警方要求媒體提供圍城當日滋事份子照片及影像檔，台灣新聞記者協會表示「拒當警方抓耙子」，前往警政署陳情，但未獲回應。
Police demand the media provide them with photographs and videos showing suspected agitators during the violent confrontations. The Association of Taiwan Journalists state that they refuse to be instruments of the police, and proceed to the National Police Administration to present their grievances, but do not receive a response.

Nov. 19
立院內政委員會審查集遊法草案，行政部門版本仍規定須三天前報備，並保留禁制區、主管機關禁止、解散權等機制，野草莓及公民團體強烈反對，主張改採「自願報備制」。
The Legislative Yuan Internal Administration Committee reviews the proposed amended Parade and Assembly Law. The version presented by executive agencies still requires three days notification, and retains provisions for restricted areas, government power to declare assemblies illegal, and power to disperse. The Wild Strawberries and the NGOs express their strong opposition, and propose adopting a system of "voluntary notification".

台北藝術大學音樂系顏綠芬老師率領多位音樂家前往自由廣場，舉辦小型音樂會聲援學生。
Professor Yen Liur-fen of the music department at the Taipei National University of the Arts leads several musicians to Liberty Square, where they hold a small concert in support of the students.

「人權靈堂」完工，週四起開放各界拈香祭弔。
The "Memorial to Human Rights" is completed. Starting on Thursday, the memorial is open to the public to mourn the death of human rights.

台大說明會晚間於社會系館舉行。
A seminar is held in the evening at the NTU social sciences department to explain the objectives of the movement.

Nov. 20
民間司法改革基金會在自由廣場舉行記者會，成立「控訴暴警律師團」，針對警方執法濫權展開第二波提告行動，並呼籲馬總統別再視而不見。
The Judicial Reform Foundation holds a press conference at Liberty Square, establishing a group of lawyers to fight police brutality, and initiating a second wave of lawsuits against police abuses. They call on President Ma to stop feigning ignorance of the situation.

野草莓「台灣人權治喪委員會」向總統府、行政院、國安局、警政署及國、民兩黨發出週日「人權公祭」訃聞，邀請參加。
The Wild Strawberry "Taiwan Human Rights Mourning Committee" sends obituaries to the Presidential Office, the Executive Yuan, the National Security Bureau, the National Police Agency, and the KMT and DPP, inviting them to a "funeral service for our human rights".

指揮關閉上揚唱片鐵門的北投分局長李漢卿接受台北市議會質詢，否認一切執法過當的指控。
Beitou Precinct Chief Lee Han-ching, responsible for shuttering the Sunrise Record Store, is questioned by the Taipei City Council, and denies all allegations of overzealous enforcement.

Nov. 21
立院內政委員會召委吳育昇親赴自由廣場，將11/27公聽會邀請函交給學生。學生於晚間開會決定派代表出席。
Legislative Yuan Internal Administration Committee convener Wu Yu-sheng visits Liberty Square, handing students an invitation to the public hearing scheduled for 11/27. At the evening meeting, the students decide to send representatives.

法務部頒訂規則，要求學校等機關自行遴選政風人員，引起戒嚴時代「人二」復活的質疑。
The Ministry of Justice presents new regulations requiring schools and other similar public organizations select "ethics officers", raising allegations that the Martial Law era informant system was being resurrected.

Nov. 22
著名學者Ronald Dworkin拜訪自由廣場，了解情況。
Famed scholar Ronald Dworkin visits Liberty Square to better understand the situation.

晚間，學生手持白燭為台灣人權守靈。
In the evening, students hold a candlelight vigil to mourn human rights in Taiwan.

高雄場舉行「翻滾馬囧」活動，以行動劇諷刺馬總統，要求總統翻滾思想。
A demonstration is held in Kaohsiung with skits mocking President Ma, demanding that he turn his thinking around.

Nov. 23
上午舉行人權公祭，民間團體到場致意，場面肅穆哀淒。原訂的出殯因缺少葬儀業者支援，改為停靈。
The human rights funeral service is held in the morning, with several NGOs also participating. The scene is solemn and sad. The planned funeral procession is replaced with a stationary casket, due to lack of funeral home help.

民進黨主席蔡英文抵達自由廣場向人權拈香，參與行動藝術，並為執政期間未修集遊法公開道歉。
DPP Chairwoman Tsai Ying-wen arrives at Liberty Square to participate in the activities, and publicly aplogizes for the failure of the DPP to amend the Parade and Assembly Law during its time as the ruling party.

野草莓「埋鍋造飯，長期抗戰」，正式成立草莓樂園，立起高塔、啟用四間組合屋（主播台、廚房、影像陳列室、放映室），並且表演行動劇。北藝大顏綠芬老師發起「音樂界聲援野草莓」音樂會，眾多音樂家、作曲家熱情支持演出。
As part of the long term protest, the Wild Strawberries formally establish the Wild Strawberry band, erect a tower and four prefabricated buildings (the newsroom, kitchen, exhibit room, and video room), and and perform several protest skits. Professor Yen Liur-fen of the Taipei National University of the Arts holds a "Musicians supporting the Wild Strawberries" concert, with several musicians and composers participating.

Nov. 24
美國人權救援工作者梅心怡（Lynn Miles）到場關心，願協助爭取國際支持。
American human rights activist Lynn Miles visits to express her concern, and agrees to help mobilize international support.

學界及民間團體代表前往監察院檢舉國安、警政首長，由監委黃煌雄收下陳情案。教授與民間團體在晚間向現場同學回報社會串連進度。
Representatives from academia and various NGOs march to the Control Yuan to file complaints against the directors of the National Police Agency and National Security Bureau. Their petitions are received by Control Yuan member Huang Huang-hsiung. The participating professors and NGO members return to Liberty Square to update the students on progress with social mobilization.

台南野草莓官網一度遭受無預警關閉，經反映後於隔日恢復。
The website of the Wild Strawberries in Tainan is suddenly shut down without warning, but returns two days later, after complaints are filed.

台大高層通令「校園中立，不涉政治，野草莓不能進校園」，拒絕學生借用器材播放紀錄片。
Administrators at National Taiwan University issue orders for a "neutral, apolitical campus where the Wild Strawberries may not enter", and refuse to allow students to borrow equipment to film a documentary.

Nov. 25
原訂在台科大舉辦的說明會因校方不願出借場地，多位老師表達關切而被迫取消。
The seminar originally planned to be held at the National Taiwan University of Science and Technology is canceled, after campus administrators refuse to loan campus space, following concerns from various faculty members.

指揮協和勤務的所有分局長全部由警政署拔擢升官。
All police precinct chiefs involved in the operations during Chen Yun-lin's visit are promoted by the National Police Administration.

Nov. 26
高雄野草莓代表北上，向自由廣場同學報告近況，傳遞各地野草莓的祝福與勉勵，並教唱「野草莓戰歌」，氣氛熱烈。
Wild Strawberries from Kaohsiung visit Taipei to update the students at Liberty Square on recent developments, and convey the support and good wishes of Wild Strawberries outside Taipei. The atmosphere is enthusiastic as the students learn to sing the "Wild Strawberry Fight Song".

靜坐同學重新以五到七人為單位分組，以加強認同感及組織性。
Students at the sit-in form groups of 5 to 7, to increase unity and the general level of organization.

野草莓重返行政院，以兩人為一組每日靜坐一小時。
The Wild Strawberries return to the Executive Yuan, with groups of two alternately sitting in protest for one hour each.

Nov. 27
立院內政委員會舉行集遊法修法公聽會，野草莓派代表出席。與會代表意見分歧，立院方面宣示本會期完成修法，野草莓仍堅持自願報備制。
Wild Strawberries send representatives to attend the public hearing by the Legislative Yuan Internal Administration Committee concerning revisions to the Parade and Assembly Law. While the Legeslative Yuan states that the law may be amended during this legislative session, the positions of the students and the legislators still cannot be reconciled, with the students insisting on a voluntary notification system.

下午，樂生自救會前往行政院抗議政府限期拆遷、違背承諾，野草莓學生亦到場聲援。
In the afternoon, Losheng Sanitarium support groups proceed to the Executive Yuan to protest demolition of the sanitarium by the government, which reneged on its earlier promises. Students from the Wild Strawberry Movement also attend to show support.

長庚大學野草莓說明會於晚間舉行。
Wild Strawberry seminar at Chang Gung University.

Nov. 28
中午，野草莓學生在台大校園舉辦遊行，號召同學起來「打抱不平護人權」。
At noon, Wild Strawberry students hold a march on the National Taiwan University Campus, calling on all students to stand up and defend human rights.

中部野草莓決定自明日起停止靜坐，轉進校園宣傳，深耕民主與人權。
Wild Strawberries in Central Taiwan decide to end the sit-in the next day, and move instead to mobilizing support on campus, and deepening the roots of democracy and human rights.

Nov. 29
社運前輩簡錫堦在自由廣場解說非暴力抗爭，為1207野草莓大遊行預作準備。
Veteran social activist Chien Hsi-chieh holds a lecture on nonviolent resistance at Liberty Square, in preperation for the large rally on 12/7.

播放樂生保留運動紀錄片，召喚同學關心、支援隨時可能遭拆遷的樂生院。
Documentary film on Losheng Sanitarium preservation efforts is shown, to gain support for groups protesting its imminent demolition.

Nov. 30
「野草莓音樂祭」自早上十點開始盛大舉行，表兒、濁水溪公社、88顆芭樂籽、929、巴奈、朱約信……等獨立音樂圈頂尖樂團、音樂人齊集自由廣場，以音樂力量聲援學生，關懷社會。
The "Wild Strawberry Musical Memorial" is held beginning at 10AM, with several independent bands and musicians participating to show their support for the students, and their concern for society.

高雄野草莓發起「傀儡馬遊愛河」遊行，批判威權復辟、人權受壓迫。
Wild Strawberries in Kaohsiung hold a protest march criticizing the return of authoritarianism, and the suppression of human rights.

Dec. 1
上午八時半，兩位野草莓學生躺在行政院大門車道，覆蓋標語，抗議政府漠視學生訴求，警方以違反社會秩序維護法為由將兩人帶回派出所偵辦。
At 8AM, two Wild Strawberry students lie on the driveway in front of the Executive Yuan with protest signs, protesting the government ignoring the students' demands. The two are detained by police under the Social Order Preservation Law, and interrogated at the police station.

※感謝William Tsai辛苦的整理 (Special thanks to William Tsai for organizing this)

Tags: [Taiwan], [Protest], [野草莓].

Porcupines and Politics

According to some people, this is all you need.

After much talk surrounding the "Porcupine Defense" strategy for Taiwan proposed by William Murray of the U.S. Naval War College, it looks like Mr. Murray is being invited to visit Taiwan by the National Security Council. Murray's main argument basically boils down to forgoing naval and air superiority (or forces altogether), digging in and relying on passive defense by ground forces. Coincidentally, Murray's ideas are very similar to the policies espoused by the Ma administration, and has gained some traction in the faction of the U.S. foreign policy establishment that tend to have a less than favorable view of Taiwan. Naturally, this has led to quite a bit of speculation on the eagerness of some parties to embrace Murray's findings.

Before continuing on, it might be informative to read through Mr. Murray's original article:

Revisiting Taiwan's defense strategy
Naval War College Review, Summer, 2008, by William S. Murray

As well as responses to, and arguments against his reasoning:

• A Response to Murray's Porcupine Strategy (Translated editorial from the Apple Daily via Wendell Minnick, original Chinese version here.)
• Coverage from Michael Turton: [Nelson Report: Murray vs Feldman], [Continued Debate on Defense Policy in the Nelson Report]
• Taking national defense seriously (Taipei Times editorial)
• MND says it is amenable to ‘new’ ideas on defense (Taipei Times, 2008-12-3)
  

The following is a translation of the story of Murray's visit as reported by the Liberty Times. The usual partisan disclaimers apply. Certain things don't translate easily, and may lead to awkward turn of phrase in some places.

國安會捧莫瑞報告 軍方受夠了
莫瑞本月來台 疑因觀點迎合國安高層
National Security Council Touts Murray's Report. Armed Forces have had enough.
Murray to visit Taiwan this month. Likely due to similar views with National Security policymakers.

〔記者許紹軒／台北報導〕主張台灣不應買三大軍購且不該發展巡弋飛彈的美海軍戰爭學院副教授威廉莫瑞，受遠景基金會邀請將於本月七日來台參加學術研討會，軍方也將派員與會。據指出，莫瑞報告脫離台海防衛實況甚多，但國安高層卻頗為看重，並對軍方頻下指導，已有國防部官員私下直言「受夠了」！到時想看看莫瑞「肚子裡有多少貨」？軍系立委也說，邀他來台參加研討會可能是因為觀點剛好迎合國安高層的想法，卻有高估此人能耐之嫌。
[許紹軒 / TAIPEI] Associate Professor William Murray from the U.S. Naval War College, who disagrees with the three major arms purchases and cruise missile development, will visit Taiwan on the 7th of this month to attend an academic conference at the invitation of the Cross-Strait Interflow Prospect Foundation¹, which will also be attended by military personnel. Sources have indicated that despite the multiple alleged departures from the reality in his report, his conclusions are nonetheless taken seriously by national security policymakers, and have been repeatedly passed down the military chain of command. This has lead some Ministry of National Defense (MND) officials to private complain that they "have had enough", and "want to see how much substance Murray can actually provide". Legislators with career military backgrounds have also suggested that Murray's invitation was likely due to his views conveniently agreeing with high level national security policymakers, rather than his actual ability.

據指出，國安會原本要國防大學辦數場研討會，其中就有打算邀莫瑞，當時因為研討會不在今年的年度計畫內，國防大學便寫計畫向國防部申請，希望能在相關科目中挪支約一百萬元的經費用來開會。
According to sources, the National Security Council (NSC) has directed the National Defense University (NDU) to hold several conferences this year, with the intention of inviting Mr. Murray. Due to the fact that the conferences were not initially planned for this year, NDU submitted a proposal to the MND for NT$1 million in conference funding.

將領：絕不會規劃這樣的建軍版本
Generals: We would never base our military development on this

不過在莫瑞報告內容見報後，朝野國防立委表達質疑，加上國防部高層在備詢時表示，莫瑞的觀點僅供參考，國防部於是以無經費為由，否決國防大學邀請莫瑞的研討會計畫，最後改由遠景基金會舉辦。
After Murray's report was published, ruling and opposition party legislators from the defense committee have expressed their skepticism at its findings, and MND officials have also testified that Murray's views were simply for reference. The MND rejected the NDU's conference proposal due to "lack of funds", and Murray was eventually invited to a conference held by the private Cross-Strait Interflow Prospect Foundation.

陳肇敏十月下旬在立法院備詢時說，莫瑞的理論是學術性質，當然會尊重，但僅供參考，「對於台灣的情況，我們覺得有很多值得商榷的地方。像一個海島防衛作戰，沒有制空根本沒有制海，沒有制海，國土防衛作戰都不用談，尤其是在兩岸兵力那麼懸殊情況下，所以制空還是非常重要。」現任聯勤司令、前戰規司長董翔龍說得更直接，當天他表示「絕對不會規劃這樣的建軍版本」。
During a Q&A session at the Legislative Yuan in late October, Defense Minister Chen Chao-min responded that Murray's work was of a theoretical nature and would be respected, but only used for reference. Minister Chen stated that "We believe that there are many misconceptions regarding Taiwan's current situation. When defending an island without air or maritime superiority, land superiority means nothing. Especially given the massive imbalance in strength between the two sides, air superiority is still very important." Speaking even more directly, current Chief of Staff and former director of the MND's planning bureau Tung Hsiang-lung stated the same day that "We would never base our military development on this".

據指出，由於國安高層對莫瑞報告非常重視，甚至交辦給國防部進行研究，軍方內部對於這種在海中與空中不做抵抗，讓戰火直接帶進台灣本島的戰略嗤之以鼻，認為毫無研究價值，還有人說得直接「平常事情都忙不完了，這種水準的文章有甚麼好研究的？」
According to sources, high level national security officials have taken Murray's report very seriously, to the point of presenting it to the MND for further research. As a result, the military has not been in a position to resist, despite the general contempt for a plan that would allow China to directly attack the main island of Taiwan.

軍系立委批：國安會消耗總統的信任
Military Legislators²: National Security Council squander the President's trust

國民黨立委林郁方認為，國防部應該要派員去好好給莫瑞跟國安會官員上個台海防衛作戰的課程，提升國安會的軍事素養，以免國安會消耗馬英九總統對他們的信任。
According to KMT legislator Lin Yu-fang, the MND should send personnel to give Murray and members of the National Security Council a lesson in the strategic defense of Taiwan, in order to increase the military competence of the NSC, such that they do not squander the trust the President has shown them.

長期教授陸軍戰術的立委帥化民也指出，誰都知道一架戰機可以抵銷多少地面部隊戰力，潛艦可以威脅敵方經濟，沒有這些東西，要拿甚麼「嚇阻」？莫瑞不要海空軍只要陸軍的觀點根本不可行，加上台灣陸軍落後解放軍很多，現在又要實施全募兵制，未來根本沒有後備軍人可以動員，戰時拿甚麼去變成莫瑞刺蝟戰略的那根「刺」？
Longtime scholar on army tactics, Legislator Shuai Hua-ming also pointed out that it is well known that a single fighter plane can equal the power of numerous ground combatants, while submarines can threaten an enemy's economy. Without these, what could possibly be used as "deterrence"? Shuai stated that Murray's view of an army without an air force or navy was fundamentally unrealistic. Combined with the fact that Taiwan's army lags far behind the Chinese People's Liberation Army , as well as current plans to transition to an all volunteer force, there would be no reserves left to mobilize in the event of hostilities to form the "spines" of Murray's porcupine strategy .

林郁方指出，莫瑞對台灣戰略環境的認知真是令人不敢領教，沒有海、空軍，解放軍就可長驅直入，在那種狀態下，地面部隊是否可獨立撐起防禦的重任，令人高度懷疑。況且莫瑞並非有名的學者，對台灣的了解也不夠，國安高層欣賞他的論點未免過分看重，現在又把人從美國請來，會讓國外以為台灣沒有能人了。
Lin Yu-fang also suggested that Murray was completely ignorant of Taiwan's strategic environment, and that without a navy or air force, the PLA would be able to simply land on Taiwan without opposition. Lin expressed skepticism that ground forces alone would be able to provide sufficient resistance against the PLA in such a situation. Lin also stated that Murray is not a well known scholar in his field and does not have a clear understanding of Taiwan, as well as that NSC officials seem too willing to accept Murray's perspective. Inviting him from the U.S. would suggest to foreign observers that there was not a single competent person in Taiwan.

林郁方批評說，莫瑞報告禁不起嚴肅討論，國安會那些軍事素養不足的人卻如獲至寶；但要強調的是，馬英九總統在軍事領域上還是重視國防部等專業單位的看法，因此國安會的意見不等於馬總統，國安會繼續這樣搞下去，等同於消耗馬總統對他們的信任，將很快會失去耐心。
Lin spoke insultingly of NSC officials with minimal military knowledge, who nonetheless treated Murray's report as a treasure, despite its inability to stand up to serious scrutiny. However, Lin stressed that President Ma still relied heavily on the opinions of the MND and other professional agencies, and that the NSC's views do not necessarily reflect those of President Ma; the President would quickly lose patience with the NSC if they continue to squander his trust.

Notes:
¹: Foundation website states that it was established in March 1997, as an independent professional research organization. Mission includes research of international and cross-strait affairs, strengthening cross-strait and international academic exchange, enhancing strategic research, and providing policy advice to government agencies.

²: Refers to legislators with military backgrounds.

^{Tags: [Taiwan], [Taiwan Politics], [Taiwan Military].}

The Strawberries Spread

As of today, there are currently six student protests around Taiwan as part of the Wild Strawberry Movement calling for amendment of the Assembly and Parade Law. Aided by the Internet, it is amazing how quickly things have grown, despite the fact that this is midterm week at most universities in Taiwan. Nearly all of the new protests are being webcast on Yahoo Live, often with commentary from the student anchors, or interviews with passersby, speakers, other students, or with the net audience via the chat function. This site contains simultaneous links to webcasts from the six major locations.

More information on the current locations so far in Taiwan can be found on the movement's English site.

According to the usually reliable Taiwan Public Television Service as well as discussion on PTT, there is word that the movement has now spread to Hong Kong, with students at the Hong Kong Polytechnic University (香港理工大學) planning to sit in solidarity with students in Taiwan on 11/14. Additionally, several NGOs in the environmental and labor movement plan to demonstrate in front of the Legislative Yuan at 10AM on 11/14, highlighting the reluctance of both major parties to amend the Assembly and Parade Law, in what they call "Uncovering the DPP's false image and the KMT's false rationalism and real obstructionism" ("揭發民進黨虛偽面目　揭發國民黨假理性真阻擋案的妙招")

Finally, there are plans for a major rally this Saturday in Liberty Square. More info when it becomes available.

Tags: [Taiwan], [Protest], [野草莓].

Exit Strategy?

The following is a translation of a statement attributed to the National Cheng Kung University Student Union in reaction to the events of the past couple of days, that was posted on the PTT BBS.

It provides some good ideas that complement those of the Wild Strawberry Student Movement, though it doesn't go as far in demanding that the law be revised, only reexamined with a timetable for discussion and potential revision. I suspect it may be more attractive for the government, because of its more open ended nature, and there is some discussion about whether it would work as a basis for an exit strategy of the last resort. Read it and judge for yourself.

作者: justinkuo (放空) 看板: student
標題: 成大學生會聲明稿
時間: Tue Nov 11 10:05:19 2008


成大學生會聲明稿
Cheng Kung University Student Union Statement

曾經，我們真的這樣相信，台灣民主是驕傲，和平社會是堅持；我們真的這樣相信，天空是寬廣的，陽光是溫暖的，空氣是自由的；我們真的這樣相信，2300萬人民手牽手擁抱著自由的土地；曾經，我們真的這樣相信。

Once, we truly believed this: that Taiwan's democracy was an object of pride; that peaceful society was essential. We truly believed that the sky was broad and limitless, that sunshine was warm, and that the air was free. We truly believed that 23 million people could join hands and embrace this land of freedom. We truly believed this once.

但，過去數日，我們看到台灣社會嚴重分裂，政治人物與政黨為政治利益作出危害社會秩序之決策，各大媒體為政治立場假新聞公正之名行利己之實，國家公權力以「維安」之名，以粗暴過當的方式對待許多和平表達意見者。過去數日，曾經相信的美好變得遙遠，深愛的台灣變得陌生。

But over the past several days, we have seen a serious split in Taiwanese society, with politicians and political parties disrupting societal order for political gain, all major media outlets pursuing their respective political agendas under the guise of reporting the news, and the abuse of state authority under the guise of "public safety" to brutalize people wishing only to peacefully express their opinions. Over the past several days, the beauty we once believed in has become a distant memory, and the Taiwan that we love has become a stranger to us.

我們對此深表痛心疾首，更自覺有義務對民主自由與社會安定表示立場；公民社會組織功能，在於反映社會價值，學生會既有公共組織面向，大學生又是社會上享受知識教育與自由度較大的一群，我們有責任對社會作出承擔。我們絕非試圖假全體學生之名發表聲明，我們只是表達作為由民意授權投票選出之機構的立場。當然，我們也了解學生會組織與各會員同學間未必有相同觀點，故會舉辦連署等活動取得最大之學生代表性。

We express our utmost sorrow at this turn of events, and feel that we have a responsibility to express our position on freedom, democracy, and societal stability. The purpose of organizations in a civil society is to reflect the values cherished by that society. As our student union is also a public organization, we - as university students who enjoy a greater degree of intellectual education and freedom - have a responsibility towards society. We do not presume to issue a statement in the name of the entire student body. We simply express our position in our capacity as a democratically elected representative body. We of course understand that the Student Union's positions on various matters may not reflect that of all our student members. We will therefore hold various petition drives to gauge a position that is most representative of that of the student body.

我們絕非清算過去，而是試圖以學生理性角度，改變現況，推動社會進步與安定。我們更呼籲所有同學與民眾，保持冷靜與理性，孰不知重建遠比破壞來得不易，這是條長遠道路，我們堅持以理性方式從體制中改變和重建體制，拒絕一切的激烈方式和暴力行為！

It is not our intent to demand settlements for the past. Rather, we seek to use our rational viewpoints as students to change the status quo, and push society towards progress and stability. We call on all of our fellow students and citizens to remain calm and rational, it is always more difficult to rebuild than to destroy. The road ahead of us is a long one, we insist on rationally changing and rebuilding the system from within, and reject all acts of violence.

在以上立場下，我們作出二點聲明。聲明如下：

Under the aforementioned principles, we issue the following two statements:

1. 請各主要黨團簽署承諾書，針對集會遊行法中許可制、禁制區、行政刑罰、解散命令、公平救濟管道等爭議內容，參考各國執行成效，廣納各界人士意見，進行討論或修改，並排定時間表。

1. We ask that all major political parties commit to reexamining the Assembly and Parade Law, addressing the current permit system, provisions for restricted areas, status as a punitive or administrative law, forced dispersal orders, fair relief channels, and other controversial points. Similar laws in other countries should be examined to determine effectiveness, and the opinions of people in all walks of life taken into account. A timetable should be established for this discussion and subsequent revision of the law.

2. 請各主要黨團簽署承諾書，承諾集會遊行主辦單位，應負起管制群眾行動責任，配合警方執法，約束暴力行為。兩黨團並應號召其他機關團體、政黨組織、公（工）會等共同承諾。

2. We ask that all major political parties sign an agreement that requires the organizing body for any protest or demonstration to take responsibility for policing the actions of participants, and work with law enforcement agencies to curtail violent acts. The two main parties should also call on other nongovernmental organizations, political parties, and unions to sign this agreement.

以上聲明，不分政治，不分藍綠，我們是一群自發的學生，只為追求社會的進步與和平，只為找回我們相信台灣的美好。

The above statements are non-political and non-partisan. As a group of motivated students, we seek only a progressive and peaceful society, in hopes that we may once again believe in the beauty of Taiwan.


成功大學學生會
97.11.11

Cheng Kung University Student Union
November 11, 2008

UPDATE: See the discussion for this post for some good points on why this proposal might very well turn into a dead end.

Tags: [Taiwan], [Protest], [野草莓].

Power corrupts, but Absolute Power is really neat!

A-gu has an enlightening fact check on past attempts to revise the Assembly and Parade Law:

During the entire 6th Legislative Yuan, there were a total of four proposed amendments to the parade and assembly law. All were raised between September 2006 and December 2006. The first two were KMT led efforts; the third a DPP/TSU sponsored bill; and the last was a PFP initiative.

After an analysis of why none of these attempts have passed, he concludes:

KMT claims that the DPP killed the amendments to the Assembly And Parade Law are flat out lies, but the DPP also made no greater effort than the KMT to push through amendments.

Neither of the two major parties has been serious about amending the law, since they feel that the other party would gain too much from it, while they would lose the ability to crackdown on protests unfavorable to them. So we're caught in an endless loop where nothing gets done. If this isn't the time for the people to step forward and demand concrete action, then when?

Tags: [Taiwan], [Protest], [野草莓].